"If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men… [no] controls on government would be necessary." — James Madison

The Battle of Harlem Heights

The first Patriot battlefield victory of the American Revolution, after the battles of Lexington and Concord, was the Battle of Harlem Heights on September 16, 1776. Although relatively minor,this victory was significantbecauseitcameontheheelsofthedisastrous loss at the Battle of Long Island,and the previous day’s humiliating rout at Kip’s Bay (for more on this defeat,see Christopher L.Russell’s “The Kip’s Bay Affair”in the January/February issue of Patriots of the American Revolution).

In regards to Kip’s Bay, General Washington wrote to the Continental Congress on September 16 that to his “great surprise and mortification, [he] found the troops hellip

retreating with the utmost precipitation, and hellip flying in every direction hellip they ran away in the greatest confusion,without firing a single shot.”1 Colonel George Weedon,commander of the 3rd Virginia Regiment, reported that Washington had exclaimed, "Good God! Have I got such troops as those?”That sentiment sums up the situation, for by the end of September 15, British and Hessian troops had made a successful landing on Manhattan Island, and the Patriot forces had fled north.2

The next morning found Washington’s army of about 9,000 men in and around Harlem Heights (present-day Morningside Heights), on the northern end of Manhattan Island. The general headquartered at the home of British Colonel Roger Morris—now known as the Morris-Jumel Mansion, near present 161st Street, east of St. Nicholas Avenue. The Patriot encampment reached south from the Morris home to the "Hollow Way,”a valley extending diagonally from present-day 125th and 8th Avenue to the Hudson River (then called the North River) at what is now 130th Street.3

The British and Hessian soldiers were encamped on the south side of the Hollow Way,facing the Patriots on a line extending from present-day 19th Street on the East River to about what is now 96th Street on the Hudson River.The opposing armies were only about a mile and a half apart.4

Hopelessness filled the air. Captain Gustavus Brown Wallace of the 3rd Virginia Regiment wrote his brother a letter, asking him to send some clothes as well as gold and silver money in case he was captured because captured soldiers had to pay for their own upkeep. His was not a very optimistic view, but it was realistic.5

Before dawn, Washington ordered Colonel Thomas Knowlton—whose Connecticut Rangers were light infantry used as scouts or flankers—to lead a mission south across the Hollow Way and determine if British General William Howe was going to follow up on his success of the previous day. When Knowlton had gone as far south as presentday 104th Street, he ran into British pickets. A member of the Rangers later described the initial action in a letter:

" hellipat day-brake we were discovered by the Enemy, who were 400 strong, and we were 120— they march’d up within six Rods of us [96 feet], and there form’d to give us Battle which we were ready for; and Colonel Knowlton gave Orders to f ire, which we did, and stood theirs till we perceived they were getting their Flank-Guards round us. After giving them eight Rounds a Piece the Colonel gave Orders for Retreating, which we performed very well, without the loss of a Man while Retreating, though we lost about 10 while in Action. We retreated two Miles and a Half and then made a Stand [the actual distance of their retreat was about a mile and a half ].” 6

This incident took place very close to the British lines. While it was not a battle per se,it cannot be dismissed as a series of potshots. Eight rounds per Patriot soldier amounts to 960 rounds fired. If the 400 enemy soldiers had fired eight rounds apiece, that would add an additional 3,200 shots. Looking at it another way, over 50 pounds of gunpowder and 250 pounds of lead may have been expended in this exchange.7

Colonel Joseph Reed was with Knowlton’s men when the "the enemy advanced [and] the Firing began at about 50 yards Distance [150 feet]; as they were 10 to one against our Party we immediately retreated." These British troops had seen the Patriots flee in panic on Long Island in August and again at Kip’s Bay; for the Redcoats, the chase was on. Stopping for breath near where Grant’s Tomb is now located, the British bugler taunted the fleeing Patriots with the notes of a fox chase. Reed wrote, "I never felt such a sensation before—it seemed to crown our disgrace."Reed rode back to General Washington, apprised him of the situation,and sought "some support for the brave fellows who had behaved so well."8

A Plan of Attack

Washington quickly saw an opportunity. He wrote to Patrick Henry, relating his intention "to recover that military ardour, which is of the utmost moment to an army."9 In other words, the general wanted to do more than just reinforce his scouting party.

His plan was simple in design.

One hundred and fifty volunteers from General John Nixon’s brigade would entice the British to follow them as they "retreated" into the Hollow Way. With the British distracted by the Patriots "fleeing" to their front, a flanking party would stealthily encircle the British from the left.Thus, the British would be cut off from their main lines and hemmed in by the Patriots.

Washington’s plan worked perfectly at first.The British ran down into the Hollow Way after the fleeing Patriots.The rest of Nixon’s brigade, about 900 men, then entered into the action to prevent the British from advancing further, but not to push them back. Consequently, a stalemate developed for about an hour at what is now 129th Street and Broadway.

A letter from American Captain John Chilton, dated September 17, described his view of the battle as a participant in the frontal attack.

"[The British] expected we should have ascended the hill to them, but f inding us still, they imputed it to fear and came down skipping towards us in small parties. At the distance of about 250 or 300 yards they began their f ire. Our orders were not to f ire until they came near but a young off icer (of whome we have too many) on the right f ired and it was taken up from right to left. We made about 4 f ires. I had f ired twice and loaded again, determined to keep for a better chance, but Col. Weedon calling to keep up our f ire (he meant for us to reserve it but we misunderstood him) I f ired once more. We then helliploaded and sat down in our ranks and let the enemy f ire on us near an hour hellip" 10

While the stalemate continued, the flanking party moved into action. The group, totaling about 230 men,consisted of Knowlton’s Rangers accompanied by Colonel Reed and the rifle companies of captains from the 3rd Virginia Regiment, led by Major Andrew Leitch (incidentally, one of these riflemen was Lieutenant James Monroe,later president of the United States).11 However, instead of attacking from the rear as intended, the party attacked prematurely and found themselves on the British right flank.

When the British detected the premature flanking movement, they retreated 200 yards out of the trap. In response,Washington sent the rest of the 3rd Virginia, nine companies of Maryland state troops, and two brigades of New England troops rushing across the Hollow Way to press in from the front. Generals Nathanael Greene, Israel Putnam, and George Clinton entered the field, along with artillery.

The British retreated again, near where the day’s action had begun, and received reinforcements from a company of Hessians with a pair of three-pounders. Now that the British were strongly reinforced, Washington ordered his own men to withdraw. Giving a hurrah, the Patriots retired—victors at last.12

The Smoke Clears

Victory came at a price for the Americans.Total Patriot losses were about 30 killed and 100 wounded.13 In addition, soon after the first British retreat, both Knowlton and Leitch were wounded. Knowlton died within the hour. Leitch, whose wounds were not believed to be mortal, would die on October 1. The ferocity of the battle, and its bloodied aftermath, would later be recalled by participants such as Captain Chilton:

"Our men observed the best order, not quiting their ranks tho exposed to a constant, warm fire. I can’t say enough in their favour, they behaved like soldiers who fought from principle alone. During this, 3 companies of Rifle-men from our Regt ... were flanking the enemy and began a brisk f ire on the right ofthem, on this they began to retreat up the hill carrying off their dead and wounded—for we had galled them a little—And then, let me not forget the brave Marylanders who were below us and sustained the hottest of the f ire and must have done the greatest execution as they kept a constant fire after we were ordered to reserve ours.

"The Enemy retreated about a quarter and a half[mile] when they were reinforced by men and cannon.We had but one f ield piece in the battle and they had several.The Battle began between 8 and 9 in the morning and lasted till about 2. It was rather a skirmish than a battle. However it has taught our enemy that we are not all Connecticut men and they seem more peacably inclined than before ... We had three killed and wounded in our Regiment ... Major Leitch was also wounded badly, he received 3 balls, one just above his groin, the other two just above the groin in the side of his belly. He is a man of spirit and bears it as such,it is very dangerous, but I hope not fatal... We lost a Colonel [Thomas Knowlton] ... a f ine man, one of the New England men. It is said we killed a f ield off icer oftheirs and about 50 privates. From the blood and bustle they made in carrying off the killed and wounded they certainly had many more killed than we had ... " 14

A member of Knowlton’s flanking force (probably Captain Stephen Brown) recounted Knowlton’s death in a letter:

"My poor Colonel, in the second Attack, was shot just by my Side, the Ball entered the small of his Back—I took hold of him, asked him if he was badly wounded? He told me he was; but, says he, ‘I do not value my Life if we do but get the Day’: I then ordered two Men to carry him off. He desired me by all Means to keep up this Flank. He seemed as unconcern’d and calm as tho’ nothing had happened to him. In the Spot where the Colonel was wounded, at least within 4 Rods [64 feet] round him lay 15 or 16 of the Enemy dead, with 5 or 6 of our People." 15

Colonel Reed would later praise Patriot leadership during the attack:

"It hardly deserves the Name of a Battle, but as it was a Scene so different from what had happened the Day before it elevated our Troops very much & in that Respect has been of great Service ... The pursuit of a flying Enemy was so new a scene that it was with Diff iculty our Men could be brought to retreat—which they did in very good Order— ... we buried the Dead & brought off the wounded on both sides as far as our troops had pursued. We have since Learned that the main Body of the Enemy was hastily advancing so that in all Probability there would have been a Reverse of Things if the Pursuit had not been given over as it was ... I suppose many Persons will think it was rash & imprudent for Off icers of our Rank to go into such an action (General Putnam, General Greene, many of the General’s family [Washington’s staff ] ... ) ... but it was really done to animate the Troops who were quite dispirited & would not go into Danger unless their off icers led the Way." 16

The day following the battle, Washington’s orders stated that:

"The General most heartily thanks the Troops commanded yesterday by Major Leitch, who f irst advanced on the Enemy, and the others who so resolutely supported them; the Behavior Yesterday is such a Contrast to that of some Troops the day before, as must shew what may be done where Off icers and Soldiers will exert themselves. Once more therefore the General calls upon Off icers and Men to act up to the Noble Cause in which they are engaged, and support the Honour and Liberties of their Country." 17

It was clear that the Continental army was young and inexperienced, as were its officers. Both would perform better over time.

Like the Americans, the British suffered substantial losses. General Howe somewhat optimistically put his losses at 14 killed and 78 wounded; Hessian Major Carl Leopold von Baurmeister put the losses at 70 killed with 200 wounded.18 Despite this, British General Henry Clinton brushed off the Battle of Harlem Heights:

"I found that the [British] light infantry, having with rather too much impetuosity pursued some parties of rebels toward their works, had got themselves somewhat disadvantageously engaged under a heavy f ire of grape, upon which I directly advised the off icer who led them to fall back a few yards to more favorable ground ... " 19

Tosomeextent,Clintonis correct.TheBattleofHarlem Heights was little more than a skirmish. It did not carry monumental political, geographical, or military significance.However, it was important for Washington and his men.The Continental Army had been through some very hard times. Its officers and soldiers had witnessed the enormous and intimidating buildup of enemy troops in New York Harbor, then had been routed from their positions on Long Island and had come within an ace of being backed against the East River and destroyed. After the nearly miraculous evacuation onto Manhattan Island, the Patriots had been routed again by their own "disgraceful and dastardly conduct" at Kip’s Bay, which had also cost them dearly in lost equipment, provisions, and artillery. The success of the Battle of Harlem Heights revived the beaten army and could not have come at a more vital time. For its impact on the Americans, all one has to do is look at what individual officers wrote.

Major Nicholas Fish: "the Conduct of our troops on the occasion was so counter to that of some others the preceding Day as nearly to form a Counterprise [sic]. Our troops were in a most desponding Condition before, but now are in good spirits."20

Colonel Joseph Reed: "the men have recovered their Spirits & feel Confidence which before they had quite lost ... [the victory] has given Spirits to our Men that I hope they will now look the Enemy in the Face with Confidence ... you can hardly conceive the Change it made in our Army."21

Colonel George Weedon: "How we behaved it does not become me to say. Let it suffice to tell you that we had the Generals thanks in publick orders for our conduct. Upon the whole they got cursedly thrashed ... "22

Colonel Henry Knox: "[the battle] has had some good consequences toward raising the peoples spirits—they find that if they stick to these mighty men they will run as fast as other people."23

General George Clinton: "[the battle] has animated our troops, gave them new Spirits, and erazed [sic] every bad Impression, the Retreat from Long Island, had left on their minds, they find they are able, with inferior Numbers, to drive their Enemy, and think of nothing now but Conquest."24

And then there are the humble words of General George Washington himself, in a letter to John Hancock,then the President of the Continental Congress: "this affair,I am in hopes, will be attended with many salutary consequences, as it seems to have greatly inspirited the whole of our troops."25

Washington was right.

Notes

1 Washington to Congress, September 16, 1776.
2 Weedon to John Page, September 20, 1776, Weedon Papers, Chicago Historical Society, printed in The Spirit of ‘Seventy-Six. Edited by Henry Steele Commager and Richard B. Morris. New York: Harper & Row, 1975, p. 467.
3 Johnston, Henry P. The Battle of Harlem Heights. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1897, p. 48.
4 Johnston, pp. 47, 56.
5 Sellers, John Robert. The Virginia Continental Line, 1775-1780.Tulane University, Doctorial Dissertation, 1968, pp. 157-159; Johnston, pp. 74-82.
6 Johnson, pp. 154-155, letter dated New Harlem, Sept 21, 1776, probably written by Captain Stephen Brown of Durkee’s Connecticut Regiment.
7 100 grains of powder per shot, 7000 grains of powder per pound. A musket ball weighs approximately one ounce.
8 Johnston, p. 68; Reed to wife: September 22, 1776.
9 Johnston, p. 68.
10 Johnston, Letter of John Chilton, September 17, 1776, pp. 92-93.
11 Monroe, James, Stuart Gerry Brown, editor.The Autobiography of James Monroe. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1959, p. 23.
12 Sellers, pp. 157-159; pp. 74-82.
13 Johnston, pp. 87-88.
14 Johnston, Letter of John Chilton, September 17, 1776, pp. 92-93.
15 Johnston, pp. 154-155, letter dated New Harlem, September 21, 1776, probably written by Captain Stephen Brown of Durkee’s Conn. Regt., serving with the Rangers.
16 Johnston, Reed to wife, September 17 and 22, 1776, pp. 136-139.
17 Johnston, pp. 161-163.
18 Johnston, pp. 204, 226.
19 Clinton, Sir Henry. The American Rebellion.Edited by William B.Willcox.New Haven: Yale University Press, 1954, p. 47.
20 Johnston, p. 152.
21 Johnston, pp. 135, 138.
22 Weedon to John Page, September 20, 1776, Weedon Papers, Chicago Historical Society, printed in The Spirit of ‘Seventy-Six. Edited by Henry Steele Commager and Richard B. Morris. New York: Harper & Row, 1975, pp. 470-471.
23 Johnston, pp. 150-151.
24 Johnston, pp. 141-142.
25 Johnston, p. 131.

   —by Hugh T. Harrington